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Public Comments (GOV)

2026 Regular Session HB4005 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Rebekah Aranda on January 15, 2026 12:36
Dear Delegate,   I recognize that our state has a workforce problem and that there are many angles we can take to address this, however I don’t think our workforce should be built on the backs of our children. The first part of HB 4005 expands apprenticeship programs and seems appropriate, but I’m very concerned about the reduction in age limitations for workers that is written into the second half of this bill.  I look forward to hearing a healthy discussion in your committee today about the implications of HB 4005 as it relates to the balance of economic/workforce needs and child welfare.   Thank you for your consideration Bekah Aranda, Morgantown
2026 Regular Session HB4005 (Government Organization)
Comment by: David Owens on January 17, 2026 15:53
In opposition to bill. While I support the idea of children who are soon to be adults having a safe and beneficial learning environment to develop the skills necessary for holding employment when they do become of age, the wording of this bill seems to be focused on relaxing current restrictions on child labor. This bill needs to be restructured to clarify what it intends. It seems to be of two parts, one part encouraging apprentice programs, and one relaxing child labor laws. I suggest dividing the bill into two pieces of legislation so that the encouragement of practical education via apprenticeship and trade schooling can be examined without the negative connotations of child labor. I understand that it is difficult to structure something that allows for one without requiring the other, but I believe in our legislators ability to do so. Children should be learning, not laboring.
2026 Regular Session HB4005 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Lida Shepherd on January 19, 2026 14:37
While I am in full support of apprenticeship programs, and applaud efforts to expand them, I do not believe the interests of our young people would be served by the weakening of child labor laws as this legislation contemplates.  West Virginia has a long long history of strong child labor laws, dating back to 1919.  Let's not rollback these protections for our kids. Bills like HB 4005 that weaken child labor laws is part of a coordinated national effort, supported by out-of-state deep pocketed interests, to undermine worker rights, concentrate corporate power, and weaken government's role of protecting public safety and the most vulnerable. West Virginia lawmakers have the power to stop these multi-state efforts to allow businesses to profit on the backs of children, even in the most dangerous jobs.
2026 Regular Session HB4005 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Emmett Pepper on January 19, 2026 22:13
I can't believe this bill is actually making it onto agendas. We don't need to have more kids working in dangerous jobs.   Please do not support this.   Thanks,
2026 Regular Session HB4005 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jim McKay on January 26, 2026 12:41
I am writing on behalf of Prevent Child Abuse West Virginia. We urge Delegates to vote NO on HB 4005 because it places teenagers at risk of serious injury while operating dangerous machinery without adequate supervision. HB 4005 eliminates West Virginia's list of hazardous occupations prohibited for workers under 18 and weakens safety protections for children. The bill surrenders our state's authority over child workplace safety to federal bureaucrats. Despite an amendment addressing metal foundry work, the bill still allows 16-year-olds to work in:
  • Logging operations (Logging has the highest occupational fatality rate in the nation! 10x the national average.)
  • Excavation sites and operations involving explosives
  • Industrial equipment causing amputations (power saws, metal presses, meat processing, etc.)
  • Radioactive materials exposure
Teen workers are injured at twice the rate of adults. When seriously injured, they face permanent disabilities, disrupted education, and reduced lifetime earnings. These are consequences that last a lifetime. The bill allows Youth Apprentice Program students to operate dangerous machinery that had previously been limited to "on an occasional basis" without restriction and removes the requirement that they have "mandatory direct supervision". Industrial accidents happen in seconds. Direct supervision is essential to prevent injuries in inherently dangerous environments. Current law already allows teens to work in thousands of occupations, including retail, food service, office work, healthcare support, most construction trades, technology, and skilled trades, in safe environments. Quality apprenticeships don't require logging operations and industrial equipment that causes amputations. Please vote NO on HB 4005. Do not surrender West Virginia's authority to protect our children. Prevent Child Abuse West Virginia urges lawmakers to protect children and vote No on HB 4005. Thank you for keeping West Virginia's children safe. Sincerely, Jim McKay State Director Prevent Child Abuse WV
2026 Regular Session HB4005 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jo Ellen Gabbert on January 27, 2026 09:38
Vote NO on HB 4005. This bill does nothing to protect children. It allows for their exploitation. Support education opportunities, healthcare for all children, and anti -poverty causes.  Stop this road to abuse!
2026 Regular Session HB4005 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Vanessa Reaves on January 28, 2026 07:00
The state should not lower or weaken labor protections for our youth. The bill should maintain it's current language to uphold the standards.
2026 Regular Session HB4015 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Brian Powell on January 19, 2026 20:06
I oppose this bill. There is no reason why state taxpayers should be subsidizing the construction of private hotels.
2026 Regular Session HB4015 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 20, 2026 13:52
HB 4015 expands eligibility for tourism development tax credits by redefining “tourism attraction” to include lodging facilities. This proposal comes after recent executive and budgetary actions that reduced or consolidated tourism-related public functions. While incentives for private development are being expanded, the bill does not restore public tourism infrastructure, accountability mechanisms, or community impact standards. There are no requirements related to wage quality, local hiring, housing impacts, or long-term public benefit. In smaller and rural communities already affected by agency consolidation and infrastructure limitations, expanded tax credits risk concentrating benefits among private developers while shifting fiscal costs to taxpayers. Tourism policy should balance economic development with transparency, equity, and resident well-being, not rely solely on tax incentives as a substitute for public investment.
2026 Regular Session HB4018 (Government Organization)
Comment by: jayli flynn on January 20, 2026 17:09
House Bill 4018 amends W. Va. Code §29-31-11, governing disbursements from the West Virginia Flood Resiliency Trust Fund, which was created under the State Resiliency and Flood Protection Planning Act (W. Va. Code §29-31-1 et seq.). While the stated purpose of the Act is to reduce flood risk and protect West Virginians, this bill continues a structural imbalance between governmental reimbursements and direct relief to affected residents. Under existing law, the Flood Resiliency Trust Fund is a special revenue fund (W. Va. Code §29-31-10) intended for flood prevention, mitigation, and protection. HB 4018 expands and clarifies disbursement authority but does not add statutory safeguards to ensure that residents who lose homes or access to housing receive priority or measurable benefit, particularly in flood events where federal Individual Assistance is denied or delayed. Recent flood events in West Virginia and the Ohio Valley illustrate this gap. When FEMA Individual Assistance is not approved or is denied, residents are still required to document losses and navigate complex eligibility standards, while Public Assistance programs reimburse governmental entities for eligible costs such as emergency response and overtime. This results in situations where local governments receive reimbursements while displaced residents receive little or no direct assistance, despite the purpose of resiliency funding being public protection. HB 4018 also ties eligibility for disbursements to compliance with federal programs such as the National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP) and FEMA-approved hazard mitigation plans (44 C.F.R. §201.6). While planning compliance is important, these requirements can disadvantage low-income, rural, or repeatedly flooded communities that lack the administrative capacity to meet federal benchmarks, further delaying meaningful relief. Nothing in HB 4018 requires:
  • prioritization of housing stabilization or displacement prevention for residents after floods,
  • transparency showing how Trust Fund disbursements reduce resident-level harm, or
  • accountability when funds primarily offset governmental costs rather than community recovery.
As written, HB 4018 reinforces a system where resiliency funding flows upward to institutions rather than outward to impacted people, contrary to the legislative findings in W. Va. Code §29-31-1, which recognize flooding as a recurring harm to West Virginians’ lives, homes, and economic security. For these reasons, I oppose HB 4018 unless amended to:
  1. Require reporting on resident-level outcomes, not just project or agency expenditures;
  2. Prioritize funding uses that directly address housing loss, displacement, and community recovery when FEMA Individual Assistance is unavailable; and
  3. Add transparency standards ensuring the Flood Resiliency Trust Fund does not function solely as a reimbursement mechanism for government operations while residents remain uncompensated.
Flood resiliency should protect people first, not only systems.
2026 Regular Session HB4025 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Brian Powell on January 19, 2026 19:48
I strongly oppose this bill, which attempts to remove civil service protections from a large swath of West Virginia's public employees.
2026 Regular Session HB4025 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 20, 2026 17:22
HB 4025 proposes to add §5F-2-9 to the West Virginia Code to exempt new hires and promoted employees within the Department of Health, Department of Human Services, and Department of Health Facilities from the classified civil service system and from coverage under the state grievance process, effective July 1, 2026. Under current law, the state grievance procedure set forth in W. Va. Code §6C-2-1 et seq. provides one of the only formal mechanisms for reviewing misconduct, unprofessional behavior, retaliation, or denial of services by public employees. Removing grievance coverage for large categories of employees materially limits oversight and eliminates a required process for documenting and correcting improper conduct. The West Virginia Ethics Act (W. Va. Code §6B-1-1 et seq.) has a narrow jurisdiction focused primarily on conflicts of interest, misuse of public office for private gain, and financial disclosures. It does not provide a remedy for poor constituent service, refusal to engage, or improper termination of public communications unless those actions meet a high statutory threshold. As a result, when grievance protections are removed, there is no meaningful alternative accountability mechanism for constituents who experience denial of access to public servants. West Virginia law recognizes that public offices exist to serve the public. The Legislature has declared that public bodies must act in a manner that promotes transparency and accountability (W. Va. Code §29B-1-1, legislative findings of the Freedom of Information Act). While FOIA governs records, not conduct, its findings reflect a broader statutory policy favoring openness and public oversight. HB 4025 moves in the opposite direction by reducing internal accountability structures that help ensure lawful and professional conduct. Additionally, due process principles embedded in both state employment law and administrative law rely on neutral review mechanisms. Removing grievance protections concentrates discretionary authority within agency leadership without an independent review safeguard. Although HB 4025 states that anti-discrimination and nepotism laws remain in effect, those laws (e.g., W. Va. Code §5-11-1 et seq.) generally require external complaints or litigation and do not address routine constituent access failures or day-to-day misconduct. In practice, exempting employees from grievance coverage increases the risk that unprofessional behavior—such as refusal to provide assistance, improper termination of calls, or failure to document constituent concerns—will go unreviewed and uncorrected. This undermines public confidence and leaves constituents without a clear reporting or remedy pathway. For these reasons, HB 4025 raises significant concerns regarding accountability, transparency, and access to public services. If exemptions are expanded, the Legislature should, at minimum, provide an alternative statutory mechanism for independent review of misconduct and denial-of-access complaints to ensure constituents are not left without recourse.
2026 Regular Session HB4025 (Government Organization)
Comment by: SS Walker on January 29, 2026 13:25
These employees should remain covered.  Part of the appeal of working for the state is having the secuirty of not losing your job everytime new administration in brought in. Unless current employees stay in their current position and take no promotions, they lose this security.  And in doing so, the departments lose the legacy knowledge they need to know what has been going on in the past.
2026 Regular Session HB4025 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Cindy Murphy on February 4, 2026 08:32
It is ridiculous to once again try to take protections away from civil servants, including those you have yet to hire. This is a bad bill.
2026 Regular Session HB4121 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Chris Hall, Executive Director of the WV EMS Coalition on January 28, 2026 15:42
On behalf of the West Virginia EMS Coalition, which represents over 80% of all emergency ambulance responses in the state, I would like to express our support for HB 4121 regarding the reporting duties of county commissions on ambulance services.
This bill was developed in response to legislative requests for information on how counties are delivery and funding EMS. Counties are increasingly passing levies, adopting ambulance fees, or making direct budget appropriations to support EMS within their counties yet there is no centralized system for collecting and reporting this information.
In working with the bill’s sponsor, we carefully crafted the legislation to ensure there were no unfunded mandates created for county commissions. We recognize a bill that imposes additional costs on counties would be difficult to pass.
The bill does require every county to make EMS service available without any requirement for funding it. Every county is already in compliance with the requirement.
Each county's 911 center has designated one or more emergency ambulance agencies for response, ensuring compliance with the proposed requirements.
Line 11 of the bill and current law says, "The county commission may provide the service directly through its agents, servants and employees; or through private enterprise; or by its designees; or by contracting with individuals, groups, associations, corporations or otherwise; or it may cause such services to be provided by an authority, as provided for in this article…” This existing law provides significant flexibility to counties in balancing emergency care and financial responsibility.
The current method of ensuring access to EMS in counties would remain unchanged. Approximately, half of West Virginia’s counties have established a county ambulance authority or a similar structure for the delivering of EMS. The rest designate or contract with a non-profit/private agency to provide the response.
For instance, Raleigh County, which designates agencies such as Jan-Care, Ghent VFD EMS, Best Ambulance, and Bradley-Prosperity VFD for EMS, will continue operating as they currently do without any additional funding requirements.
The bill does not impose any mandates that would result in increased costs for counties, including no provisions regarding the manner of emergency ambulance service delivery, the required number of ambulances per county, or specified response times.
The proposed deletion concerns outdated language from 1975 when the EMS Act was initially drafted. At that time, the modern EMS system in West Virginia was still developing, and not all counties had established centralized 911 systems or well-organized and regulated EMS agencies. Today, however, all counties provide EMS services in some manner. There is a consensus that EMS is an essential service, and no exemptions should be allowed for failing to provide life-saving response capabilities.

What HB 4121 does:

  • Explicitly require counties to make emergency ambulance service available.

  • EMS could be provided by county employees, an ambulance authority, private enterprise or by contracting for service (current law).

  • Counties would not be mandated to provide any minimum level of funding.

  • Counties would report annually the amount of county funds expended the prior fiscal year to fund emergency ambulance services.

  • The Office of EMS would compile an annual report on local EMS system structures and funding to help guide future policy and state funding decisions.

The WV EMS Coalition believes this legislation is an important step towards provide legislators with the information needed to support future decisions about the funding and structure of EMS in West Virginia. We hope the Legislature continues to advance this bill towards passage.
2026 Regular Session HB4130 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Gina Myers on January 27, 2026 08:25

Dear House Finance Members,

Stricter animal cruelty laws are much needed in West Virginia, as are more facilities to house stray, surrendered, and seized animals. I’ve volunteered in rescue for many years and have witnessed first hand the abuse and neglect inflicted on animals, the impact of overpopulation on our communities, and overpopulated shelters turning people away or directing them to rescues with even less resources than the shelters have. It seems never ending from my position but stricter consequences for those doing harm would be a good start, as would funding for programs that support spay and neuter and more shelter facilities. Also, an appropriate outdoor shelter should be defined by law along with care requirements for breeders to prevent for-profit neglect. Investigation into these matters when reported to law enforcement in towns and counties that do not have a humane officer should be required.

Thanks for your consideration,

Gina Myers

2026 Regular Session HB4130 (Government Organization)
Comment by: toki on January 29, 2026 02:30
i'm down for this
2026 Regular Session HB4130 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Suzana on February 3, 2026 10:13
If an animal is in an abusive shelter it can negativity impact the behavioral and psychological health of an animal, which can also reduces their chances for adoption.
2026 Regular Session HB4175 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Quentin B on January 19, 2026 23:41
We are facing the most complicated vehicles in the history of the automobile and the least knowledge among the general public of how they work. Most people will drive on bad tires, worn brakes, or dead taillights unless someone tells them. This isn’t just a hazard for the people driving those cars but for everyone else on the road, too. As an automotive engineer, I oppose this bill.
2026 Regular Session HB4175 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Laurie Townsend on January 20, 2026 05:09
I am writing to express my opposition to any effort to repeal automobile inspection requirements. These inspections exist to ensure that vehicles on our roads are safe and properly maintained. Repealing them would remove an important safeguard that helps prevent accidents caused by faulty brakes, lights, tires, and other critical systems. Vehicle inspections protect not only the driver but everyone on the road. Without them, cars with dangerous defects could remain in operation, putting innocent drivers, passengers, and pedestrians at risk. Rather than cutting inspections, we should focus on making them efficient and effective, not eliminating a program that keeps our roads safer. For the safety of all West Virginians, I urge you to oppose any legislation that would remove automobile inspection requirements. Ensuring vehicles are safe is a basic responsibility that protects lives and prevents unnecessary accidents.
2026 Regular Session HB4175 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jerry Forren on January 20, 2026 13:21
I believe this requirement should have been removed years ago. Most states do not have inspections.
2026 Regular Session HB4175 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jarrett E Riffle Jr on January 21, 2026 04:48

I agree that this bill needs to be passed.  It's a waste of time to take vichicles to shop to get inspected. If you look at the cars and trucks on the roads, who actually keeps up with the ones that have issues.  I see carsase and trucks driving around with several violations so the sticker seems to be a waste of time to get, just another way to collect money from the already poor people of West Virginia.  Please pass this bill. Sincerely Jarrett Riffle

2026 Regular Session HB4175 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Maria Brown on January 23, 2026 12:33
    I am a co-owner of an auto repair center in  West Virginia.  I would like to request the opportunity to speak to any of the supporting delegates about the current House Bills 4175 and 4639.   We are concerned about both bills which propose to eliminate or change the WV State Inspection program.  We would like to know the reasons for eliminating or changing this program.  We would also like to know what research was done to support the elimination of the program.  Please give me the opportunity to discuss with you the proposed changes and why we oppose changing the program.  I have many sound reasons to support the program; first and foremost the regulation of safe vehicles on the highways of West Virginia.   As an automotive repair station that boarders Maryland, I have compiled data showing numerous unsafe vehicles due to no regulations. We have our fair share of unsafe vehicles in West Virginia, but the inspection program allows the opportunity to inform car owners of  needed repairs before they become more costly.  Inspection stations monitor registrations and insurance throughout the year that keeps people in compliance.  Uninsured vehicles add an extra burden on West Virginia residents by causing increased auto insurance premiums.   I have many more examples which I will discuss if given the opportunity to speak with the delegates and senators supporting these bills.  It would be irresponsible as an elected official to proceed without providing sound data to support your stance and allowing the general public and your constituents the opportunity to discuss the effects of the bill.  You may contact me at the phone number and email provided in the contact information.
Thank you for your attention to this request and I look forward to hearing from you soon.
2026 Regular Session HB4175 (Government Organization)
Comment by: George Caldwell on January 26, 2026 13:20
This is a must pass! Vehicle inspections across the country have been eliminated from other states. The inspection process does not eliminate poorly maintained vehicles on the roadways. It's an added cost and burden to citizens. This bill will bring relief and a small amount of revenue back to West Virginians.
2026 Regular Session HB4175 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Susie Nelson on January 27, 2026 14:14
As a resident of a county that boarders Ohio, I ask you to please vote no on this bill. We see vehicles in our county from the state of Ohio every day.  The state of Ohio does not require inspections.  Many of the Ohio cars we see would never pass a West Virginia inspection.  This bill would increase hazardous on-the-road situations like tail lights being out, mufflers falling off or being held on by wire, or even headlights not working properly.  Oftentimes, these minor auto issues go unnoticed by the owner until their inspection.  Please keep WV roads safe by NOT passing this bill.
2026 Regular Session HB4175 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Nathan Music on January 27, 2026 15:31
I am writing to express my opposition to this bill repealing state automotive inspections.  These inspections are critical for maintaining some level of safety oversight for the vehicles on the road.  Regular safety inspections help identify and prevent failures to critical vehicle safety features such as worn brakes, steering and suspension components, bald tires, and failed lights.  Systems that the general public may not be able to identify on their own until they fail completely leading to break downs or accidents causing potential property damage, injury, or loss of life.  Lawmakers should be focusing on strengthening safety standards to protect our motorists and pedestrians instead of loosening them.  
2026 Regular Session HB4175 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Nicole Kirby on January 27, 2026 16:14
Vote yes. Car inspections take time and money we don’t have.
2026 Regular Session HB4175 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Brittany Singhass on January 27, 2026 17:32
As a person who enjoys not giving the state more of my money, I say vote yes to pass this repeal. However, it does make me worry about the safety issues that could come with it in the next few years as people decide they don't need to perform upkeep to their vehicles.
2026 Regular Session HB4270 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 20, 2026 18:27
I support evidence-based, physician-supervised medical cannabis under West Virginia’s existing medical cannabis framework. I do not support the widespread retail sale of unregulated or lightly regulated psychoactive products, including kratom and hemp-derived intoxicants such as delta-8, delta-9 (hemp-derived), and delta-10. While HB 4270 is framed as a regulatory authorization rather than a direct ban, it is important to acknowledge the policy distinction between regulated medical cannabis and retail intoxicants sold outside a medical system. Medical cannabis requires physician certification, patient registration, dosage controls, product testing, and adverse-event monitoring. Hemp-derived intoxicants and kratom do not operate under those safeguards. Other jurisdictions have restricted or prohibited these products due to public-health, safety, and enforcement concerns, including local bans on kratom in places such as San Diego and county-level restrictions on certain hemp-derived cannabinoids in multiple states. These actions reflect concerns about inconsistent potency, contamination, youth access, and products marketed as “legal alternatives” to controlled substances. My concern is that allowing intoxicating hemp derivatives and kratom to remain broadly available through retail channels:
  • Undermines the medical cannabis program by creating parallel, less-regulated psychoactive markets;
  • Shifts risk onto consumers without medical oversight or standardized dosing;
  • Creates enforcement ambiguity between legal hemp, controlled substances, and medical cannabis;
  • Disproportionately impacts public health while benefiting unregulated commercial actors.
If the Legislature proceeds with HB 4270, regulations should prioritize public health over market expansion, including strict potency limits, age enforcement, product testing, transparent labeling, and meaningful penalties for noncompliance. However, I believe the more responsible policy direction is to limit intoxicating products to regulated medical frameworks, rather than normalize them through general retail sales. In short: I support medical cannabis. I do not support kratom or intoxicating hemp derivatives being sold as retail consumer products without medical oversight.
2026 Regular Session HB4317 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Bryan Wilson on January 27, 2026 20:33

West Virginia’s current licensure reciprocity structure for school psychologists seeking to practice independently creates unnecessary barriers that ultimately limit student access to essential mental health and evaluation services. While licensure standards are intended to protect the public, the existing process is often overly restrictive compared to neighboring states and does not reflect the realities of today’s school psychology workforce.

School psychologists across the United States are trained under nationally aligned standards through NASP-approved programs, accredited university preparation, supervised internships, and standardized credentialing processes such as the Nationally Certified School Psychologist (NCSP) credential. These benchmarks already ensure high-quality preparation. Yet experienced, fully licensed school psychologists in other states frequently face duplicative hurdles when attempting to serve West Virginia students in private or independent practice settings.

This has several serious consequences:

1. Reduced Access to Services for Children and Families
West Virginia continues to face shortages in child mental health providers, especially in rural regions. School psychologists in private practice help fill critical gaps by providing psychoeducational evaluations, risk assessments, counseling, and consultation services that schools often lack capacity to deliver in a timely manner. Lengthy or uncertain reciprocity processes delay or prevent qualified professionals from serving children who are already waiting months for evaluations and supports.

2. Outdated Barriers in a Modern Service Delivery Era
The profession has evolved. Telehealth, remote assessment models, and cross-state consultation are now standard practice. Many surrounding states have adapted licensure pathways to reflect workforce mobility and the need for interstate collaboration. West Virginia risks falling behind if its policies do not align with contemporary service models and regional workforce patterns.

3. Duplication of Already-Verified Competency
Professionals seeking reciprocity are often already licensed as independent school psychologists or psychologists elsewhere, have years of experience, carry malpractice coverage, and may hold national credentials such as NCSP. Requiring redundant documentation, additional examinations, or prolonged approval timelines does not meaningfully enhance public safety — it simply restricts workforce supply.

4. Impact on Schools and Special Education Compliance
Schools depend on timely evaluations to meet IDEA timelines and provide Free Appropriate Public Education (FAPE). When external evaluators are scarce, districts struggle with compliance, and students experience delays in identification, intervention, and services. Expanding access to qualified reciprocal providers directly supports school systems in meeting federal mandates.

Recommended Modernizations

West Virginia could maintain strong professional standards while improving access through:

  • Streamlined reciprocity for professionals licensed in states with comparable standards

  • Recognition of NCSP as evidence of meeting training and competency requirements

  • Reduced duplicative documentation where credentials are already verified

  • Temporary or provisional licensure pathways while full review is completed

  • Alignment with interstate licensure mobility efforts seen in other health professions

Bottom Line

Modernizing reciprocity is not about lowering standards — it is about removing unnecessary barriers that prevent qualified professionals from serving children. West Virginia’s students, families, and schools benefit when licensure systems are rigorous and responsive to workforce realities. Updating reciprocity policies would strengthen service access, reduce evaluation backlogs, and support the state’s commitment to child mental health and educational equity.

2026 Regular Session HB4486 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 19, 2026 12:02
I am concerned that HB 4486 risks encouraging racial profiling and discriminatory enforcement. Many individuals lawfully live and work in the United States under recognized statuses, including Compact of Free Association (COFA) nationals and members of sovereign First Nations, who do not require visas and may legally work, live, and serve in the U.S. Armed Forces. Legislation should be narrowly tailored to avoid repeating historical patterns where immigration enforcement was used to justify bias and harm against lawful communities.
2026 Regular Session HB4492 (Government Organization)
Comment by: jayli flynn on January 19, 2026 12:14
I am concerned that HB 4492 regulates private housing transactions without addressing housing supply, infrastructure, or access. West Virginia law already recognizes affordable housing as a public responsibility (W. Va. Code § 5-26-1), yet this bill shifts the burden onto private property owners rather than investing in development or basic infrastructure. Broad regulation of private property raises due process and takings concerns under Article III, §§ 9–10 of the West Virginia Constitution when less restrictive alternatives exist.
2026 Regular Session HB4493 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 20, 2026 07:56
am submitting this comment in opposition to HB 4493 as introduced, or in the alternative to request major amendments, because the bill abolishes a category of private contracting (“wholesaling”) and then authorizes private forfeiture of earnest money and contract cancellation based on an allegation, without any required finding by a court or neutral decisionmaker, creating due-process and property-rights concerns and inviting abuse and litigation.   What HB 4493 does (factual summary) •HB 4493 creates a new article, §30-40A-1 through §30-40A-3, titled “The West Virginia Abolishment of Wholesaling Act.”   •It defines “wholesaling” as entering a contract to purchase real property with the intent to assign/sell/transfer the contractual rights to a third party for consideration, without taking legal title.   •It declares wholesaling “abolished” and “illegal” in West Virginia, with an exception when the purchaser takes legal title before transferring the property.   •It creates remedies that apply “notwithstanding any other provision” in the contract: (a) if a person engages in wholesaling, the seller may cancel before close of escrow and “may retain any earnest money paid” by the wholesaler; (b) if a person engages in wholesaling, the buyer may cancel and “must be refunded all earnest money paid”; (c) a buyer may sue the wholesaler for actual damages plus a civil penalty of 20% of the difference between the contract sale price and the wholesaler’s total consideration from assigning/transferring the rights.   Why I oppose HB 4493 as written (legal and practical problems) •Due process and property deprivation: HB 4493 authorizes loss of property (earnest money) based on the seller’s claim that the other party “engages in wholesaling,” without requiring any prior court determination or administrative finding, even though the WV Constitution protects against deprivation of property without due process of law.   •Federal due process concerns: Because this is state-created authority to deprive someone of money based on alleged conduct, it also raises procedural due-process concerns under the Fourteenth Amendment’s due process clause.   •Creates a “self-help” penalty and invites bad-faith cancellations: §30-40A-3(a) effectively incentivizes a seller to label a transaction as “wholesaling,” cancel late in the process, and keep earnest money—then force the buyer to sue to recover it. That is backwards: legal systems normally require neutral process before forfeiture.   •Internal inconsistency that will fuel disputes: The bill simultaneously says the seller may keep earnest money (when the seller cancels) and says the buyer must be refunded all earnest money (when the buyer cancels) if “any person engages in wholesaling.” These competing rules will create escrow fights and litigation, not clarity.   •Overbroad ban instead of targeted consumer protection: West Virginia already regulates real estate practice through the Real Estate License Act, which is explicitly framed around protecting the public from unscrupulous practices, and the state can target fraud and misrepresentation directly rather than banning an entire class of contracts by definition.   •Misalignment with how escrow/earnest money is typically safeguarded: In many regulated contexts, West Virginia law uses structured escrow-release conditions and documentation before funds can be released, reflecting that escrow funds should not be diverted without clear process; HB 4493’s “retain any earnest money” language does not build in comparable safeguards or adjudication.   Public-interest and equity concerns (why this matters to the public) •Even though the money transfer is “private,” the Legislature would be creating a state-backed rule that allows private forfeiture without neutral review, which undermines public trust in WV contracting and increases court burden and consumer harm.   •This approach risks harming lower-income residents and first-time buyers most: earnest money is often the hardest upfront cost to replace; a rule that allows forfeiture based on accusation (rather than proven fraud) will chill lawful participation in housing markets and increase instability. Requested fixes (if the Legislature will not reject HB 4493) •Add a due-process gate: require a court finding (or a clear administrative process with notice and hearing) that prohibited wholesaling occurred before any earnest money can be forfeited or retained under §30-40A-3(a).   •Clarify escrow handling: require escrow agents to hold disputed earnest money until a signed release by both parties or a court order (standard practice in many real estate disputes) instead of automatic “seller may retain.”   •Narrow the definition: replace subjective “intent to assign” with objective triggers (e.g., advertising the contract for assignment, collecting assignment fees without disclosures, repeated assignments within a defined period) so ordinary contract contingencies and lawful transfers are not swept in.   •Regulate disclosures rather than ban: if the concern is deception, require written disclosures to sellers/buyers about assignment, fees, and whether the buyer will take title, plus penalties for misrepresentation—this targets harm directly without creating a blanket ban and due-process problems.   Conclusion HB 4493, as written, does not just “stop wholesaling”—it creates an unconstitutional-risk structure where private parties can be deprived of earnest money without a required neutral determination, contrary to West Virginia’s due-process protections and the Fourteenth Amendment, and it will increase disputes and litigation while failing to precisely target fraud. I urge the Legislature to reject HB 4493 as introduced or amend it to require adjudication, escrow safeguards, and narrow, objective definitions.  
2026 Regular Session HB4494 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 20, 2026 08:01
House Bill 4494 proposes an exemption from nonresident hunting license requirements on private land. However, under W. Va. Code § 20-2-1, the Legislature has declared that wildlife in this state is held in public trust and is subject to regulation for the benefit of all citizens. Because wildlife is not private property, activities involving the taking of wildlife remain a matter of public interest regardless of land ownership. Under W. Va. Code § 20-2-2 and § 20-2-5, the Legislature has established a comprehensive licensing system to regulate who may hunt, when hunting may occur, and under what conditions wildlife may be taken. These provisions are not solely revenue measures; they function as the state’s primary mechanism to ensure compliance with hunting seasons, species protections, and lawful methods of take. A hunting license also serves as the state’s baseline accountability tool. Under W. Va. Code § 20-2-7 and § 20-2-10, violations of hunting laws, including unlawful or negligent taking of wildlife, are enforced through licensing and permitting systems that allow for penalties, revocation, and tracking of repeat violations. Exempting individuals from licensing removes a key enforcement mechanism before harm occurs, shifting regulation from preventative oversight to reactive punishment. Animal welfare and humane practices are implicit in the Legislature’s regulatory authority under W. Va. Code § 20-2-5 and § 20-2-30, which govern lawful methods of hunting and prohibit unlawful or cruel taking of wildlife. A license requirement is the only statewide assurance that individuals are subject to these standards and educated on lawful and humane practices. Private property ownership does not demonstrate competence in firearm safety, species identification, or humane dispatch. Projectiles, wounded animals, and environmental impacts do not stop at property lines, making hunting practices a matter of public safety and ecological concern beyond the landowner. Finally, creating exemptions based on residency or status results in unequal enforcement of laws enacted under W. Va. Code Chapter 20, weakening uniform application of conservation, safety, and animal-welfare standards. For these reasons, exempting individuals from hunting license requirements under HB 4494 conflicts with the public-trust doctrine established in W. Va. Code § 20-2-1, weakens accountability under existing enforcement statutes, and should be reconsidered.
2026 Regular Session HB4498 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 20, 2026 08:32
HB 4498 amends the Right to Farm Act by expanding definitions in W. Va. Code § 19-19-2 that determine when land qualifies for agricultural protections, which in turn limits enforcement and nuisance actions under § 19-19-4. At the same time, the state has statutory duties under the Water Pollution Control Act (§ 22-11-1 et seq.) and public health law (§ 16-1-1) to ensure safe water for residents, agriculture, and livestock. Expanding liability protections while water infrastructure remains inadequate shifts the consequences of contamination onto farmers and citizens who do not control upstream pollution. Imposing fines or compliance burdens under these conditions is inconsistent with the state’s own statutory obligations to protect health and water quality.
2026 Regular Session HB4501 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 20, 2026 08:40
HB 4501 expands interstate practice of dietetics by creating a “compact privilege” that is “equivalent to a license” and allows practice in a “remote state.” Proposed W. Va. Code §30-35A-2.  Dietetics is not a casual service: the bill’s definition includes “nutrition care services, including medical nutrition therapy,” including via telehealth, to “prevent, manage, or treat diseases or medical conditions.” Proposed §30-35A-2.  Because many residents have serious allergies and medical conditions where nutrition guidance can cause harm if wrong, any expansion of multistate practice must prioritize enforceable oversight and clear accountability. While HB 4501 allows a remote state to take adverse action against a compact privilege and issue subpoenas, Proposed §30-35A-7(a),  it also splits discipline between the remote state (privilege) and home state (license), Proposed §30-35A-7(b)-(c),  which can delay or complicate accountability after patient harm. HB 4501 also states that a dietitian practicing under compact privilege cannot be required to meet a remote state’s continuing education requirements; only home-state CE applies. Proposed §30-35A-4(d).  That is a consumer-protection concern, because WV patients should not have weaker safeguards simply because the practitioner is practicing under a compact privilege. Finally, legislators should be careful about public liability narratives: West Virginia’s Constitution provides sovereign immunity (“shall never be made defendant”), W. Va. Const. art. VI, §35,  and claims against the State are handled through separate statutory processes. W. Va. Code §14-2-1.  For these reasons, HB 4501 should not advance without stronger, WV-specific safeguards and clear, fast enforcement mechanisms that protect patients first.
2026 Regular Session HB4504 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 19, 2026 12:29
HB 4504 would expand exemptions from hunting and fishing license requirements for certain residents and landowners. I support access to outdoor traditions, but any change in licensing should be paired with continued strong wildlife management and conservation funding, as hunting seasons, bag limits, and population goals are set by the West Virginia Division of Natural Resources. Policies that change who pays for licenses should ensure they do not undermine conservation efforts that protect wildlife and sustainable harvest opportunities for all West Virginians.
2026 Regular Session HB4504 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Ed McMinn on January 19, 2026 22:36
This bill seeks to usurp the authority of the DNR Natural Resources Commission. Wildlife management decisions should not be political fodder for personal agendas. The DNR has a process to seek public opinion from sportsmen and women and ultimately wildlife management decisions should be based on science not personal opinions or agendas. While I applaud the WV house for providing a way to make public comment the majority of sportsmen and women are not engaged politically. As the President of the West Virginia Bowhunters Association we are not in favor of using legislation to enact wildlife management policy. Leave those decisions to trained, educated biologists.
2026 Regular Session HB4504 (Government Organization)
Comment by: richard hewitt on January 19, 2026 23:30
I feel that the wildlife policies should be determined by the biologists and researchers, and based on facts and  not the opinions of directors or legislators
2026 Regular Session HB4504 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 20, 2026 08:47
I submit this comment in opposition to HB 4504 as introduced, based on existing statutory authority, current disease conditions acknowledged by the West Virginia Division of Natural Resources (WVDNR), and the absence of any demonstrated public health, conservation, or safety benefit tied to the bill’s provisions. HB 4504 proposes to add §20-2-39 to Chapter 20 of the West Virginia Code, requiring the Director of the Division of Natural Resources to promulgate legislative rules governing the harvest of antlered deer, including antler-point restrictions and harvest sequencing. However, the state already possesses broad statutory and regulatory authority over wildlife management, and the bill does not address the most significant documented risks currently associated with white-tailed deer in West Virginia. Under W. Va. Code §20-2-5 and §20-2-6, the state has long delegated authority to manage wildlife resources, establish hunting seasons, bag limits, and disease-related controls. Additionally, existing rules promulgated under W. Va. Code §29A-3-1 et seq. already allow the agency to adopt and amend regulations when justified by conservation or public necessity. HB 4504 therefore does not fill a statutory gap; it duplicates authority that already exists. More critically, the WVDNR has formally acknowledged that chronic wasting disease (CWD) is present in free-ranging white-tailed deer in West Virginia and has been detected since 2002 in at least seven contiguous counties. The agency has further acknowledged that diagnostic testing for CWD is voluntary, limited geographically, and does not constitute a food safety test, and that the “wholesomeness” of free-ranging wild animals for human consumption cannot be guaranteed. These admissions are consistent with existing disease regulations codified in West Virginia Code of State Rules Title 58, Part 69 (the “Disease Rule”), which focus primarily on carcass transport restrictions and baiting prohibitions rather than public health assurances. Despite these documented conditions, HB 4504 does not:
  • require or expand mandatory CWD testing,
  • address known limitations of diagnostic reliability,
  • establish public health standards for consumption,
  • address environmental persistence of prions,
  • or resolve jurisdictional gaps involving captive cervid operations regulated separately under W. Va. Code Chapter 19, Article 2H (Captive Cervid Farming Act).
Instead, the bill narrows its focus to antler characteristics and harvest order, which have no demonstrated relationship to disease mitigation, food safety, or reduction of human exposure risk. Regulating antler points does not prevent infection, does not reduce environmental contamination, and does not address the acknowledged inability to certify safety of harvested meat. Federal involvement in CWD management, as described by WVDNR, is limited primarily to funding and interstate transport considerations under statutes such as the Federal Aid in Wildlife Restoration Act of 1937 (16 U.S.C. §§669–669k, Pittman-Robertson Act), the Lacey Act (16 U.S.C. §§3371–3378), and USDA-APHIS regulations governing interstate movement of captive cervids under 9 C.F.R. Parts 55 and 81. None of these federal frameworks impose enforceable food-safety standards for wild game or require states to prioritize disease mitigation over discretionary harvest rules. As written, HB 4504 shifts wildlife policy further into administrative rulemaking without addressing the state’s own acknowledged risks. It adds regulatory complexity without corresponding public protection and prioritizes harvest mechanics while leaving disease exposure, testing limitations, and fragmented oversight unresolved. For these reasons, HB 4504 does not advance conservation, public health, or responsible governance. If the Legislature intends to act in the public interest, it should first address disease surveillance adequacy, testing standards, inter-agency coordination, and transparency regarding risks already acknowledged by the state, rather than expanding discretionary control over antlered deer harvest criteria. Accordingly, I urge the Legislature to reject HB 4504 as introduced or substantially amend it to address documented disease and public health concerns within the existing statutory framework.
2026 Regular Session HB4504 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Bryan Matthews on January 20, 2026 10:36
The setting of bag limits, antler  restrictions should be left to the our DNR, who manage our wildlife. There has been a trend in the past several years to "produce bigger bucks" in this state, by passing the two buck limit. The West Virginia Deer  Association was in the fore front of moment. By lowering the limit, hunting opportunity has been taken for many hunters. But at what cost, trying to emulate what they see on TV from celebrities and influencers? All in the name of bigger bucks that people see harvested by Hunting Celebrities and Hunting Influener's. Who are all making money from pushing this narrative, a false narrative, on how to get bigger bucks in the wild. The hunting celebrities and hunting influeners, along with the West Virginia Deer association are trying to sale this dream as reality, while restricting hunting opportunity, leaving the rest of us to manage the nightmare.
2026 Regular Session HB4504 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jessica Balsley on January 20, 2026 13:47

I respectfully support the bill proposing antler restrictions on the second buck harvest in West Virginia, as it represents a science-based approach to improving herd quality, hunter opportunity, and long-term conservation.

Implementing antler restrictions on the second buck would allow more young bucks to reach maturity, improving age structure and overall herd health. States that have adopted similar measures have seen increased numbers of mature bucks, improved breeding dynamics, and greater hunter satisfaction without reducing participation.

This proposal strikes an important balance between opportunity and responsibility. Hunters would still be able to harvest a buck early in the season, while the antler restriction on the second buck encourages selectivity and stewardship. It rewards patience and ethical decision-making while preserving opportunity for youth and first-time hunters.

Additionally, this measure aligns with the interests of the majority of hunters who value seeing a healthier herd, more balanced sex ratios, and improved chances at mature deer over time. It also helps ensure that management decisions prioritize long-term sustainability rather than short-term harvest numbers.

Adopting antler restrictions for the second buck is a reasonable, forward-thinking step that supports wildlife conservation, hunting tradition, and the future of deer hunting in West Virginia. I urge you to support this bill.

2026 Regular Session HB4516 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 19, 2026 12:53
HB 4516 raises concerns about eroding public trust, accountability, and transparency in government decision-making. Preventing state agencies or political subdivisions from using public funds to challenge state laws limits oversight and weakens the checks and balances that protect taxpayers. West Virginia law emphasizes transparency and accountability in the use of public funds (W. Va. Code §§ 4-2-4; 12-4-14), and due-process principles require meaningful avenues to address conflicts between state law, constitutional obligations, and federal requirements (W. Va. Const. art. III, § 10; U.S. Const. amend. XIV). Restricting lawful challenges risks shielding flawed policies from review and undermines public confidence in government commitments to openness and responsible governance.
2026 Regular Session HB4524 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 19, 2026 13:03
HB 4524, which prohibits the State of West Virginia from contracting with companies that boycott Israel, raises serious constitutional, economic, and civil-rights concerns that extend far beyond foreign policy. Conditioning public employment, contracting, or economic participation on political or ideological positions constitutes compelled speech and viewpoint discrimination, implicating the First Amendment’s protections for free speech, free exercise of religion, and association (U.S. Const. amend. I; W. Va. Const. art. III, §§ 7, 15). Anti-BDS provisions also create due-process and equal-protection concerns under Article III, § 10 of the West Virginia Constitution and the Fourteenth Amendment by enabling vague, overbroad, and discretionary enforcement. Individuals and businesses may face penalties or exclusion not for unlawful conduct, but for perceived political beliefs, religious expression, or cultural identity. This invites religious profiling and xenophobia, particularly against Muslim, Arab, and minority communities whose attire or advocacy may be mischaracterized as political opposition. Courts in multiple states have enjoined or struck down similar anti-BDS contracting laws as unconstitutional, creating foreseeable litigation risk, legal costs, and taxpayer liability. West Virginia should not adopt policies that expose the state to lawsuits and damages while restricting lawful expression on issues such as peace advocacy, environmental protection, LGBTQ rights, reproductive rights, or foreign policy. Beyond constitutional harm, HB 4524 undermines the state’s economic interests. By imposing ideological barriers on contracting, the bill reduces the pool of eligible businesses, discourages investment, and deters companies from operating in West Virginia. This conflicts with the state’s declared economic-development policy to attract business, promote commerce, and grow revenue (W. Va. Code § 5B-2-1). Fewer contractors mean less competition, higher costs, reduced innovation, and ultimately less funding for public services. Public contracting policy should be neutral, transparent, and based on merit and performance—not political conformity. HB 4524 risks chilling protected speech, eroding public trust, harming economic growth, enabling discriminatory enforcement, and shifting the financial burden of unconstitutional legislation onto taxpayers. For these reasons, this bill should be reconsidered.
2026 Regular Session HB4548 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 20, 2026 10:12
West Virginia currently operates state-sponsored programs encouraging people to move to and work in the state, while simultaneously expanding enforcement mechanisms tied to employment reporting through agencies such as WorkForce West Virginia. These systems intersect directly with SNAP and Medicaid eligibility, placing economically vulnerable residents at increased risk of losing essential benefits due to administrative noncompliance rather than actual refusal to work. Under federal SNAP law (7 U.S.C. § 2015(o)) and West Virginia Medicaid policy, benefit eligibility is already conditioned on work or “community engagement” requirements for certain populations. When employment systems rely on strict response timelines, automated referrals, or employer-reported hiring data, individuals may lose benefits even when jobs are unavailable, inaccessible, or discriminatory in practice. This raises serious due-process concerns when benefits funded by taxpayers are terminated because of procedural failures rather than willful nonparticipation. West Virginia is simultaneously promoting workforce-recruitment and relocation initiatives while failing to ensure adequate worker protections once individuals arrive. Programs encouraging people to move to West Virginia for employment do not guarantee that employers will actually hire, retain, or lawfully accommodate workers—especially those in protected classes. This disconnect undermines both economic-development goals and public trust. Food insecurity data underscores the severity of these risks. According to USDA-aligned statistics, approximately one in eight children in West Virginia experience food insecurity, a rate worse than the national average (approximately one in six children nationwide). Loss of SNAP or Medicaid benefits due to administrative barriers or employer noncompliance directly exacerbates this crisis and shifts costs to emergency services, schools, and hospitals. Further, employment discrimination remains a documented concern, particularly for individuals in legally protected categories. West Virginia law expressly protects certified medical cannabis patients from employment discrimination solely based on patient status. W. Va. Code § 16A-15-4(b) prohibits an employer from refusing to hire, discharging, or otherwise discriminating against an individual solely because the person is a registered medical cannabis patient, except in narrowly defined safety-sensitive circumstances. When employers exclude applicants based on lawful medical status, individuals are denied income while still being penalized under workforce-participation rules tied to benefits. Additionally, state and federal civil-rights statutes prohibit discrimination based on disability and medical condition, including under the West Virginia Human Rights Act (W. Va. Code § 5-11-9). When workforce systems penalize individuals who cannot secure employment due to unlawful or indirect discrimination, the state risks enabling violations rather than preventing them. HB 4548 expands employer-facing reporting and waiver systems under the Jobs Act, but it does not address the downstream consequences for workers whose public benefits depend on timely employer responses, accurate job postings, and good-faith hiring practices. Without safeguards, these systems can be used to justify benefit terminations while employers receive public funds, tax incentives, or waivers—particularly in cases involving so-called “ghost jobs” or positions advertised but never filled. In summary, West Virginia cannot credibly promote workforce growth while: •Encouraging relocation without ensuring employment protections, •Conditioning food and healthcare access on administrative compliance rather than actual job availability, •Allowing employers to exclude protected classes without accountability, and •Ignoring the documented food-insecurity crisis affecting West Virginia children. Any expansion of workforce-reporting or compliance mechanisms must include due-process protections, anti-discrimination enforcement, and clear separation between employer noncompliance and individual benefit eligibility, or the state risks worsening poverty while subsidizing employers who do not hire West Virginians.
2026 Regular Session HB4549 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 19, 2026 13:22
HB 4549 assumes that awarding public construction contracts to the “lowest responsible bidder,” combined with the option for project labor agreements, will protect public safety and economic outcomes. However, recent infrastructure and environmental rollbacks have weakened oversight mechanisms that traditionally define what “responsible” means in practice. Without strong, enforceable safety, environmental, and labor oversight, lowest-bid contracting risks prioritizing cost over long-term safety, quality, and community impact. West Virginia law recognizes the state’s duty to protect public health, safety, and welfare (W. Va. Code § 16-1-1), yet reduced regulatory enforcement and limited ethics investigations undermine confidence that contractors will be adequately monitored. If oversight and accountability are insufficient, there is no guarantee that these projects will be safe, that jobs will be sustainable for the local workforce, or that economic benefits will remain in the state. Public procurement policy should ensure not only competitive pricing, but meaningful enforcement, transparency, and ethical accountability to protect workers, communities, and taxpayers.
2026 Regular Session HB4577 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Josh Roark on January 22, 2026 11:55
Will we be offered any insight as to why we are spending time voting on DL reciprocity with the Republic of Ireland, specifically?
2026 Regular Session HB4586 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Julie Slonaker on January 20, 2026 11:21
I agree with the avoidance of products that were created with force labor, but explain why you chose  electric vehicles? My thought is there are other more impactive products to target, for example: smartphones, laptops, headphones, athletic wear or bedsheets and towels? Are you attempting to limit the purchasing  of electric vehicles?
2026 Regular Session HB4679 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Ron Hurst III on January 31, 2026 16:07
The fact that this is even allowed is just ignorant. Taxpayers PAY county commissions (and other local offices) to do their jobs. Then they turn right around and use MORE of our own money to pay lobbyists to do part of their jobs for them. That's just a lazy and wasteful approach. Pass this bill ASAP please!
2026 Regular Session HB4737 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Edsel Smith on January 22, 2026 19:05
As a member of the National Fire Protection Association (NFPA) and Secretary of the NFPA Architect, Engineers, and Building Officials committee I have numerous opinions.  I also am a member of Building Fire Safety Systems Section of NFPA as well as the Health Care Section, and Fire Service Section. NFPA has been discussing single exiting for apartments but no consensus standards have been developed at this time.  There are many references from the International Building Code but I only observe the reference to comply with NFPA 13 for sprinkler protection.  In many occassions the WV State Fire Code takes precedence over the WV Building Code. I fear the consequences of a single exit in a 6 story building that should require a fire alarm system in compliance with NFPA 72 and a Stair Presurization System in compliance with NFPA 92B.  I fear the consequences if someone with evil intent sets a fire in the stairwell that would overwhelm the sprinkler protection and provide no escape for those on the floors above.  There is reference the Internation Building Code for rescue and escape in section 12.  The WV Fire Code also references rescue and escape windows but they must have fire department access and no more than 20 feet from the ground level.  Most fire departments would not be able to render aid  to anyone above the 2nd. floor level and multiple rescues would most generally be fruitless. I have 45 years experience in the fire service and I have performed a rescue on the second floor level and this is a difficult task.  I have 30 years experience in fire protection and safety. For a fire department to be burdened with multiple rescues would be a disservice by the adoption of this bill.  Furthermore a fire department without a multi-million dollar Ladder apparatus would not even have a chance for rescue for those from 3rd to 6th floor. If a single story exit stair is compromised by fire or collapse my concern is there are going to be multiple fire deaths.  There are many large cities with paid career firefighters that do not permit Single Exit Stairs.  I believe we need to leave this to professionals in the field of fire safety and protection, and health, safety and welfare to develop the code standards before the adoption of this bill and protect multiple people from fire death.  
2026 Regular Session HB4769 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 23, 2026 15:44
I have serious concerns about House Bill 4769. While the bill frames itself as crisis preparedness, its inclusion of threats such as “invasion of the state,” “insurrection,” and “major cyberattack” is unusual at the state level and raises questions about the bill’s true function. These threats are already addressed through existing federal constitutional authority, emergency management frameworks, and intergovernmental coordination. HB 4769 does not establish enforceable infrastructure standards, technical safeguards, funding mechanisms, or accountability requirements. Instead, it focuses on the creation of plans and briefings, which function primarily as documentation rather than substantive protection. This is especially concerning given that the Legislature has recently advanced or passed bills that deregulate or weaken oversight in water systems, environmental infrastructure, education, health, and medical services. If the state genuinely views cyber disruption, grid failure, or large-scale emergencies as credible threats, then weakening the regulatory and oversight structures that would be essential during such crises directly contradicts that claim. Preparedness requires resilient systems, enforceable protections, and maintained regulatory capacity — not post-hoc planning documents that may later be used to assert “due diligence” while responsibility is shifted away from policymakers. Without restoring and strengthening the very safeguards that protect public health, safety, and infrastructure, this bill risks serving as a liability shield rather than a meaningful preparedness measure. For these reasons, I oppose HB 4769 in its current form.
2026 Regular Session HB4797 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Melissa Tharp on January 23, 2026 14:07
I do not think that the legislature needs to take up a bill and waste the taxpayers money and time on this subject.  This person's death was a tragedy, but no more so than anyone else who has been murdered.  I don't see this legislature taking up a bill to have a holiday for the approximately 3,000 people that died on 9/11.  I don't see a holiday for the miner that recently died while saving his crew.  Please spend WV taxpayer money on the citizens of WV and the needs of WV.  People in this State have no clean water to drink.  I think that is a more pressig issue than naming a holiday after a quasi-politician.
2026 Regular Session HB4797 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Andrea on January 23, 2026 15:03

As a Christian, I believe deeply in the dignity of every person and the importance of truth, humility, and good stewardship in public life. I also believe that government must be careful not to confuse its role with that of the Church, nor elevate any one individual or ideology in a way that compromises its responsibility to serve all people.

While I affirm the importance of the First Amendment and the value of free speech, I am concerned that HB 4797 ties a core constitutional principle to a single contemporary political activist. Doing so risks turning what should be a shared civic value into a partisan symbol. Scripture repeatedly warns against elevating individuals, aligning faith too closely with political power, or using authority to advance one faction over others.

Christian faith calls us to humility, peacemaking, and love of neighbor — including those with whom we disagree. A state holiday named for a modern political figure associated with division does not reflect those values, nor does it foster unity among the diverse people of West Virginia.

I am also concerned about the bill’s implications for public education. Our schools should teach civic principles in a way that is fair, balanced, and inclusive, not tied to the legacy of any one political movement or personality.

If the Legislature wishes to honor the First Amendment, it should do so in a way that reflects shared values, historical depth, and respect for all citizens — not by elevating one individual or ideology through state power. For these reasons, I respectfully oppose HB 4797 and urge lawmakers to reconsider.

2026 Regular Session HB4797 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Ann on January 23, 2026 15:04
This is an inappropriate proposal for a bill, not only was he not a resident of the state, contributor to the state, or even an advocate to the state. He was extremely controversial. Though his death was clearly tragic, it has nothing, absolutely nothing, to do with our history, heritage, or culture. I am highly offended by this bill and do not support it. I do hope you take much consideration when evaluating this bill.
2026 Regular Session HB4797 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 23, 2026 15:15
I am submitting this public comment in opposition to HB 4797, which proposes an official state day recognizing Charlie Kirk. While I unequivocally condemn political violence and acknowledge the tragedy of Mr. Kirk’s death, creating an official state day of recognition for him is inappropriate, divisive, and inconsistent with the purpose of state-sanctioned honors. First, even “symbolic” state recognitions are not cost-free. Official days carry administrative, staffing, and operational costs and may involve paid state time or resources. At a time when West Virginia faces budget constraints affecting education, infrastructure, healthcare access, and public safety, public funds and official attention should not be diverted to commemorations that lack broad public benefit or bipartisan consensus. Second, this proposal is inherently partisan. Mr. Kirk was not a public servant, civil rights leader, or unifying historical figure. He was a contemporary political activist and commentator, best known as the founder of Turning Point USA, and as a prominent partisan figure aligned with a specific political movement. Official state recognition of a modern political operative creates the appearance that the State of West Virginia is endorsing a particular ideology or faction. State honors should unite residents across differences, not elevate figures whose careers were defined by ideological confrontation. Third, Mr. Kirk’s public record is deeply controversial and polarizing. He repeatedly made inflammatory statements about racial, religious, and LGBTQ+ communities and promoted rhetoric that many West Virginians find offensive and exclusionary. He was also publicly involved in efforts surrounding the January 6, 2021 events, including organizing transportation for protestors to Washington, D.C. While condemning violence is essential, that does not require elevating a figure whose conduct and rhetoric contributed to national division and democratic instability. State-recognized days should reflect shared civic values and historical contributions that strengthen public trust. Honoring a divisive contemporary political activist undermines that goal and sets a troubling precedent for future partisan canonization through government action. For these reasons, I respectfully urge legislators to reject HB 4797. West Virginia can and should oppose political violence without using public authority or resources to commemorate a polarizing figure. Official recognitions must remain nonpartisan, fiscally responsible, and inclusive of the full public we are meant to serve.
2026 Regular Session HB4797 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Rance Berry on January 23, 2026 15:40
there are far more important things in this state to worry about than commemorating Charlie Kirk. We literally have residents in the southern part of the state whose drinking water is brown. Our education system is a mess. We need to focus on issues that truly impact our state
2026 Regular Session HB4806 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 27, 2026 10:29
I appreciate the Legislature’s willingness to engage in thoughtful review of compensation structures for county elected officials. However, I respectfully oppose House Bill 4806 as currently drafted for the following reasons: 1. Principle of Equitable Compensation vs. Across-the-Board Increases While I acknowledge the importance of fair compensation for our Sheriffs — who perform critical public safety duties — I am not persuaded that a blanket statutory 10 % premium over County and Circuit Clerks is the most responsible approach. Compensation standards should reflect job responsibilities, county fiscal health, and transparent job-value assessments rather than rigid percentages enshrined in statute. 2. County Fiscal Responsibility and Certification Requirement HB 4806 retains the existing requirement that the County Auditor certify sufficient fiscal capacity before salary increases take effect. Yet, this safeguard alone does not ensure equitable budgeting prioritization, particularly in counties facing budgetary constraints or competing service demands. Counties should retain flexibility to adjust compensation based on local needs and economic conditions rather than a state-mandated pay structure. 3. Lack of Justification for Salary Differential The bill does not provide a legislative finding or data demonstrating why Sheriffs’ compensation should be specifically set at 10 % above the Clerk positions. Absent a comparative workload, complexity analysis, or statewide job study, this differential appears arbitrary and risks perceptions of preferential treatment among elected offices with different functions. 4. Impact on Recruitment, Retention, and County Budgets Although higher pay could improve recruitment and retention for Sheriffs, there is no guarantee that this statutory differential will yield those outcomes. Instead, counties may face increased fiscal strain if implementation is triggered in less fiscally resilient jurisdictions — potentially diverting resources from public safety, infrastructure, or essential services. 5. Alternative Recommendation Rather than enact a fixed percentage increase, I urge the Legislature to consider:
  • Commissioning an independent compensation study of county officials across all classes of counties;
  • Establishing a performance-based or cost-of-living adjusted compensation framework that respects local budget realities;
  • Providing optional guidelines or model compensation charts rather than hard targets.
Conclusion For these reasons, I respectfully urge opposition to HB 4806 as introduced. If the Legislature chooses to act on compensation reform for county officials, please do so with evidence-based justification, local flexibility, and a transparent process that balances fiscal responsibility with fair pay for public servants. Thank you for the opportunity to comment.
2026 Regular Session HB4819 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 27, 2026 10:55
I have concerns about HB 4819 because, while it limits automatic licensing denials based solely on criminal history, it does not meaningfully protect access to actual employment in an at-will, right-to-work state like West Virginia. Under HB 4819, licensing authorities may still deny or delay licensure based on a prior conviction if they determine a “rational nexus” between the offense and the occupation. Even when rehabilitation, time since conviction, and compliance with sentencing are considered, the decision remains discretionary, and mandatory waiting periods may still apply. This continues to impose post-sentence barriers to lawful work. More importantly, even when a license is granted, there is no guarantee of hiring, promotion, or advancement. West Virginia’s at-will employment framework allows employers to lawfully refuse to hire or promote someone without providing a reason. In practice, this means individuals may remain excluded based on past convictions or legal status, even when state law permits licensure. This gap already exists for other lawful statuses, including medical cannabis patients. Although medical cannabis is legal under state law, employers are not required to hire or promote cardholders. Employers may state that hiring decisions are “up to them,” effectively allowing exclusion based on status alone. HB 4819 risks creating the same outcome for people with prior convictions — legal eligibility on paper without real access to employment. As a result, HB 4819 may function as a procedural reform without a practical remedy, leaving individuals subject to continued economic exclusion through discretionary licensing and at-will employment practices. This undermines rehabilitation, workforce reintegration, and public safety goals, while increasing the likelihood of unemployment and dependence on state or local assistance. A true second-chance policy must address not only licensing eligibility, but the real-world effects of discretionary decision-making in an at-will employment system. Without that, the bill risks extending punishment beyond sentence completion through ongoing economic barriers.
2026 Regular Session HB4854 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 30, 2026 10:25
I oppose House Bill 4854. House Bill 4854 amends §5B-2-21a of the West Virginia Code to establish a High Impact Data Center Program within the Division of Economic Development. Although the bill prohibits direct state or local subsidization of data centers, it nevertheless prioritizes large private data center operations as critical infrastructure without providing corresponding protections, investments, or accountability measures for West Virginia communities, taxpayers, or small businesses. Specific concerns include:
  1. State Policy Focuses on Corporate Infrastructure Rather Than Community Needs The bill declares data centers to be “critical national infrastructure” and directs the Department of Economic Development to certify and accommodate these facilities. The bill does not include parallel findings or programs addressing the needs of residents, small businesses, local infrastructure, or essential public services such as water, wastewater, housing, healthcare, or workforce stability.
  2. Absence of Community Benefit or Local Impact Requirements HB 4854 does not require community benefit agreements, local hiring commitments, wage standards, infrastructure mitigation, or contributions to local public services. Counties and municipalities may still bear increased costs related to utilities, roads, emergency services, and environmental oversight without any statutory mechanism to offset those impacts.
  3. Indirect Costs Remain With Ratepayers and Taxpayers While the bill prohibits direct subsidies, it does not address indirect public costs associated with high-impact data centers, including increased demand on electric generation and transmission, water resources, wastewater treatment capacity, and environmental monitoring. These costs are likely to be absorbed by residents and ratepayers rather than the private operators benefiting from the infrastructure.
  4. Reduced Transparency Through Confidentiality Provisions The bill exempts data center business information from disclosure under the West Virginia Freedom of Information Act. This limits public oversight of facilities that are explicitly designated as high-impact and critical infrastructure, even though their operations may significantly affect surrounding communities and public resources.
  5. Unequal Treatment Compared to Small Businesses and Local Enterprises Small businesses and local employers do not receive expedited certification, confidentiality protections, or legislative recognition as critical infrastructure. HB 4854 establishes a regulatory and policy framework tailored specifically to large corporate entities without comparable consideration for locally owned businesses that employ West Virginians and contribute to community stability.
  6. No Requirement to Align With Environmental or Infrastructure Capacity The bill does not require certification decisions to consider existing water quality issues, wastewater system capacity, environmental contamination, or cumulative infrastructure strain. This is particularly concerning in a state already facing documented challenges with water systems, sewage treatment, and environmental compliance.
Conclusion: HB 4854 reflects a continued legislative emphasis on attracting and accommodating large private data center operations while failing to address the documented needs of West Virginia communities, residents, and small businesses. Without enforceable community protections, transparency, or infrastructure safeguards, this bill shifts risk to the public while prioritizing corporate interests. For these reasons, I oppose House Bill 4854.
2026 Regular Session HB4876 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 30, 2026 11:00
I strongly oppose HB 4876 and urge members of the Legislature to consider the real public safety and child welfare implications of eliminating the work permit system for minors. 1.Work permits currently serve as one of the few proactive safeguards in West Virginia’s child labor framework by requiring verification of a minor’s age, school status, and job description before employment begins. Eliminating this system and replacing it with employer-kept “age certificates” substantially reduces state visibility into where and how minors are being employed.   2.Under current West Virginia child labor law (§21-6-2), children under 18 may not be employed in dangerous or injurious occupations or in establishments where alcohol is served. These restrictions are legally enforceable only if there is documentation and enforcement capacity.   3.Without work permits, enforcement becomes largely reactive and complaint-driven rather than preventive. Employers in private, non-state-funded businesses are currently informed of child labor laws but are not routinely inspected, meaning compliance often depends on voluntary adherence rather than oversight. This creates a regulatory gap that can lead to violations going undetected until harm occurs. 4.Federal child labor standards (29 CFR Part 570) already prohibit minors under 18 from operating, feeding, setting up, adjusting, repairing, or cleaning many types of machinery — including meat processing equipment and similar industrial tools.   Without adequate oversight, there is a heightened risk that employers will place minors in roles they are legally prohibited from performing simply because the state has no routine check of job duties. 5.Labor advocates have pointed out that removing required documentation and oversight weakens protections for young workers and could set a dangerous precedent for child labor rights in West Virginia.   In effect, HB 4876 makes it easier for employers to hire minors without sufficient verification of job appropriateness, reducing the ability of the state to protect children from hazardous work, age-inappropriate tasks, or unsafe environments. Laws without enforcement mechanisms are ineffective at preventing exploitation or harm. For these reasons, I respectfully urge the Legislature to reject HB 4876 or amend it to preserve meaningful oversight and protective safeguards for minors.
2026 Regular Session HB5009 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on January 30, 2026 12:26
I oppose HB 5009 because it quietly redefines private property rights by narrowing what legally counts as a protected “use” of land, particularly regarding water and natural resources. While the bill does not remove title ownership, it significantly limits landowners’ control over the economic use of their own property by excluding commercial extraction, transport, storage, or off-site use from zoning protections. Ownership without meaningful control is not true ownership. By allowing zoning authorities to prohibit entire categories of resource use—even when the land and resources are privately owned—this bill shifts property rights from ownership to conditional permission. Landowners retain liability, taxes, and maintenance obligations while the state and local governments retain decision-making power over value and use. This framework disproportionately harms small landowners, rural residents, and non-corporate property holders, while favoring large entities with grandfathered uses, political leverage, or state-aligned projects. It also raises long-term concerns about water security, resource access, and unequal bargaining power as water and energy infrastructure become more strategically valuable. If the Legislature intends to regulate commercial extraction, it should do so transparently through environmental and resource-specific statutes—not by redefining “use” in a way that erodes core property rights through zoning law. For these reasons, HB 5009 should not advance without substantial revision.
2026 Regular Session HB5063 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on February 3, 2026 09:34
I oppose House Bill 5063 because it further fragments tourism funding and governance while failing to provide meaningful, independent oversight of public funds. West Virginia’s tourism functions have already been absorbed into broader executive and economic-development structures, rather than operating as a clearly independent agency. HB 5063 compounds this fragmentation by dispersing hotel occupancy tax authority and compliance responsibilities across county commissions, convention and visitors bureaus, and state-level entities without establishing clear audit authority, enforcement standards, or uniform accountability mechanisms. The bill substitutes rigid operational formulas and compliance mandates for real oversight. Prescribed spending percentages, staffing and office requirements, and accreditation mandates do not ensure fiscal integrity, especially when audit discretion, FOIA enforcement, and ethics review authority have been narrowed unless specific triggering conditions are met. This creates the appearance of accountability without providing the legal tools necessary to investigate misuse, inefficiency, or conflicts of interest. Additionally, allowing county commissioners to serve as voting members of convention and visitors bureaus blurs the line between oversight and operational control, increasing the risk of conflicts of interest while reducing independent governance. HB 5063 increases administrative burden, reduces local flexibility, and disperses responsibility for public funds at a time when transparency and enforceable oversight should be strengthened, not diluted. For these reasons, I urge the Legislature to oppose HB 5063.
2026 Regular Session HB5064 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on February 3, 2026 09:42
I oppose House Bill 5064 because it expands state control over municipalities without creating any corresponding expansion of accountability, ethics enforcement, or transparency, and it risks punishing residents for structural failures they did not cause. HB 5064 frames itself as “strengthening oversight,” but in practice it only strengthens administrative enforcement and state takeover authority, not public accountability. The bill does not expand the jurisdiction or investigatory authority of ethics bodies, does not lower the threshold for review of misconduct, and does not address systemic failures that occur without direct personal financial benefit to an individual. Under current ethics law, institutional mismanagement, negligence, or policy-driven harm remains outside enforceable ethics review, and HB 5064 leaves that gap entirely intact. The bill allows municipalities to be labeled as experiencing “chronic audit noncompliance” after multiple years of failed audits, yet it does not require an analysis of root causes, such as underfunding, staffing shortages, unfunded state mandates, infrastructure decay, or prior state policy decisions that may have contributed to those failures. Instead, the response mechanism is dissolution and state receivership — a remedy that transfers control upward without assigning responsibility downward. HB 5064 also raises due-process concerns by enabling the loss of municipal self-governance based on compliance outcomes rather than demonstrated misconduct. The bill provides no meaningful avenue for residents to contest dissolution, no requirement for independent review, and no mechanism for public findings regarding conflicts of interest, regulatory failures, or state involvement in creating fiscal distress. Most critically, the bill targets municipalities as entities rather than decision-makers, shielding individuals and institutions that may have contributed to fiscal collapse while exposing residents, ratepayers, and workers to the consequences of dissolution. This approach converts audit enforcement into a punitive tool rather than a corrective one. True oversight would include:
  • Expanded ethics jurisdiction over systemic and institutional misconduct
  • Independent review mechanisms
  • Transparent findings on causation and responsibility
  • Remedies focused on recovery rather than elimination of local governance
HB 5064 does none of these. It centralizes authority without strengthening ethics enforcement, public transparency, or democratic accountability. For these reasons, the bill should be rejected or substantially amended.
2026 Regular Session HB5100 (Government Organization)
Comment by: Jayli Flynn on February 3, 2026 11:06
I oppose House Bill 5100 based on public-health, regulatory, and patient-impact concerns. While I do not support kratom, and acknowledge that several states — including California — have taken steps to restrict or prohibit kratom due to safety, contamination, and adverse-event concerns, HB 5100 improperly bundles kratom regulation with hemp-derived cannabinoids and shifts oversight to the Alcohol Beverage Control Administration (ABCA), creating harmful and unintended consequences for medical cannabis patients and regulated healthcare access. 1. Kratom and Medical Cannabis Require Separate Regulatory Treatment California and other jurisdictions have raised legitimate concerns about kratom due to:
  • Lack of FDA approval
  • Reports of contamination, adulteration, and inconsistent potency
  • Documented adverse health outcomes and dependence risks
Medical cannabis, by contrast, is:
  • Regulated under a physician-certified medical program
  • Subject to controlled dispensing, tracking, and testing
  • Used by patients with chronic pain, cancer, neurological disorders, and other qualifying conditions when traditional pharmaceuticals fail
HB 5100 fails to maintain this distinction by collapsing non-medical substances (kratom) and regulated cannabinoid products under a single enforcement-oriented framework. 2. Shifting Oversight to Alcohol Beverage Control Is Inappropriate for Medical Contexts The ABCA is structured for alcohol control and enforcement, not medical or agricultural public-health regulation. Applying an alcohol-style regulatory model to cannabinoid products risks:
  • Treating medically relevant substances as recreational intoxicants
  • Prioritizing enforcement and penalties over patient access and safety
  • Creating chilling effects for lawful commerce that supports medical patients
Medical cannabis patients should not be indirectly penalized or stigmatized through regulatory frameworks designed for alcohol or non-medical substances. 3. Risk of Increased Barriers for Medical Cannabis Patients HB 5100 introduces regulatory ambiguity that may:
  • Discourage lawful businesses that also serve medical cannabis patients
  • Increase compliance costs that are passed on to patients
  • Confuse consumers and employers regarding legality, testing, and enforcement standards
West Virginia already has a functioning medical cannabis program. Policies that indirectly undermine patient access contradict the program’s intent and public-health goals. 4. California’s Kratom Reasoning Does Not Justify Broad Cannabinoid Restrictions California’s approach to kratom is based on specific safety findings, not a blanket opposition to cannabinoid-based medical therapies. Using kratom concerns to justify broader regulatory shifts affecting hemp-derived cannabinoids and medical cannabis is not evidence-based and risks harming patients who rely on regulated medical treatment. 5. Public Health Is Better Served by Targeted Regulation, Not Consolidation If kratom presents safety risks, it should be regulated or restricted on its own merits, using health-based standards. Folding kratom into a broader alcohol-style control system does not improve safety and instead creates collateral harm to unrelated medical programs. Conclusion I oppose HB 5100 because it:
  • Improperly conflates kratom with medically relevant cannabinoid products
  • Places public-health substances under an alcohol enforcement agency
  • Risks undermining West Virginia’s medical cannabis program and patient access
  • Fails to reflect the nuanced, evidence-based reasoning used by states like California when addressing kratom specifically
Medical cannabis patients should not bear the consequences of regulatory decisions aimed at unrelated substances.