Public Comments
- Require public disclosure of mine safety program standards, approval criteria, or compliance findings;
- Mandate independent or third-party review of safety programs;
- Provide clear worker participation or whistleblower protections in the approval process;
- Specify enforcement benchmarks, penalties, or corrective timelines for unsafe conditions.
- Undermines the medical cannabis program by creating parallel, less-regulated psychoactive markets;
- Shifts risk onto consumers without medical oversight or standardized dosing;
- Creates enforcement ambiguity between legal hemp, controlled substances, and medical cannabis;
- Disproportionately impacts public health while benefiting unregulated commercial actors.
- The First Amendment bars the government from endorsing religion in public schools. The U.S. Supreme Court struck down a nearly identical classroom mandate in Stone v. Graham (1980), holding that requiring the Ten Commandments in public school classrooms lacked a secular legislative purpose and violated the Establishment Clause.
- The Court has also held that Ten Commandments displays are unconstitutional when the government’s purpose and context show a religious objective, as in McCreary County v. ACLU (2005).
- Supporters sometimes cite Van Orden v. Perry (2005), but that case involved a long-standing outdoor monument on capitol grounds with a specific historical context—not a mandatory, universal classroom posting aimed at captive K-12 audiences.
- Louisiana: A federal appeals court blocked Louisiana’s Ten Commandments classroom-display law as “plainly unconstitutional,” relying in part on Stone v. Graham.
- Arkansas: A federal judge blocked enforcement of Arkansas’s law in several districts, finding it likely violates church-state separation principles.
- Texas: A federal judge temporarily blocked Texas’s classroom-display law, and additional related injunctions/orders have required districts to remove postings while litigation continues.
- HB 4034 requires universal classroom posting but does not create a clear statewide compliance/funding plan; it instead authorizes public spending to replace/buy displays.
- The mandate increases the risk of diverting time and money from instruction and student services into compliance and legal defense.
- prioritization of housing stabilization or displacement prevention for residents after floods,
- transparency showing how Trust Fund disbursements reduce resident-level harm, or
- accountability when funds primarily offset governmental costs rather than community recovery.
- Require reporting on resident-level outcomes, not just project or agency expenditures;
- Prioritize funding uses that directly address housing loss, displacement, and community recovery when FEMA Individual Assistance is unavailable; and
- Add transparency standards ensuring the Flood Resiliency Trust Fund does not function solely as a reimbursement mechanism for government operations while residents remain uncompensated.
Please SUPPORT HB 4547. Add it to Judiciary Committee agenda.
For decades, public policy has attempted to eliminate barriers and improve accessibility so persons with disabilities can more fully participate in civic life. Yet, W.Va. Code retains barriers to voting for persons with disabilities – including “illiteracy, blindness, disability, or advanced age”. Voters who request assistance in voting due to these disabilities risk having their requests challenged by election officials and having their ballots not being counted. We cannot know the size of this challenge/disqualification problem because there is no full accounting of how many ballots are challenged and rejected statewide. We also don’t know, but should be concerned, whether these provisions are applied inconsistently across counties. I have heard anecdotal evidence of this occurring. Another possibility is that disabled voters are thwarted from voting entirely; they just stay home, especially if their requests for assistance have ever been challenged previously. These rules likely originated in response to real or suspected voter fraud, but that is vanishingly rare in current elections. On the other hand, our population demographics suggest these provisions of election law may be particularly onerous for WV voters because of a state population characterized by: • low educational attainment, • poor health status, and • a disproportionate share of the population who are elderly.Unlike other personal choices (like what you eat or wear), vaccination status affects others. A child who is not vaccinated against measles can transmit the virus before even showing symptoms. Parents retain the freedom to not vaccinate, but that choice comes with the consequence of having to use alternative education, such as homeschooling or certain private options that don't receive state funding. Children with cancer or organ transplants cannot be vaccinated. Their "freedom" to participate in public life depends entirely on their peers' vaccination status. By allowing religious exemptions, the state is essentially choosing the "religious freedom" of one group over the "freedom to live/physical safety" of another. On top of that, outbreaks are expensive. Managing a single measles case can cost public health departments tens of thousands of dollars in contact tracing, quarantine enforcement, and medical care. Religious exemptions often lead to geographic clusters of unvaccinated individuals. When a disease enters such a cluster, it can spread rapidly, potentially jumping to the wider community.
I respectfully support the bill proposing antler restrictions on the second buck harvest in West Virginia, as it represents a science-based approach to improving herd quality, hunter opportunity, and long-term conservation.
Implementing antler restrictions on the second buck would allow more young bucks to reach maturity, improving age structure and overall herd health. States that have adopted similar measures have seen increased numbers of mature bucks, improved breeding dynamics, and greater hunter satisfaction without reducing participation.
This proposal strikes an important balance between opportunity and responsibility. Hunters would still be able to harvest a buck early in the season, while the antler restriction on the second buck encourages selectivity and stewardship. It rewards patience and ethical decision-making while preserving opportunity for youth and first-time hunters.
Additionally, this measure aligns with the interests of the majority of hunters who value seeing a healthier herd, more balanced sex ratios, and improved chances at mature deer over time. It also helps ensure that management decisions prioritize long-term sustainability rather than short-term harvest numbers.
Adopting antler restrictions for the second buck is a reasonable, forward-thinking step that supports wildlife conservation, hunting tradition, and the future of deer hunting in West Virginia. I urge you to support this bill.
Hello!
With the passage of this bill, where would the erosion of our civil liberties stop? What possible good does this database do for the people who are on it? At what point does it move from a voluntary action to a required one and are we going to be secure with the information these people are asked to provide? That doesnt even start to address the idea that these sponsors think its ok to ask another human being to put themselves onto a list to "help law enforcement". How dare you treat these people like this instead of addressing the root causes. Instead of wasting our time and tax payer money on a trash bill like this ,why cant we fund better services for people who need it throughout life and train our police to more quickly identify potential needs? I am not even onto the meat of the bill, I could sit here and write for HOURs on different sections. Yet again, another short term attempt for a broader issue our legislature is unwilling to address for ALL of us
West Virginia should keep the youth deer season doe-only and not allow buck harvest in order to protect herd quality, support long-term conservation goals, and preserve the original intent of the youth season.
The youth season was created to introduce young hunters to the sport in a low-pressure, educational environment while promoting responsible wildlife management. Allowing buck harvest during this season undermines that purpose by shifting the focus toward trophy opportunity rather than learning, ethics, and conservation.
From a biological standpoint, buck harvest—especially of young bucks—can negatively impact age structure and future breeding potential. West Virginia has worked for years to improve herd balance and buck age classes, and opening buck harvest during youth season risks reversing that progress. Doe-only harvest aligns with sound management by helping control population levels without compromising buck quality.
Additionally, allowing buck harvest during youth season creates increased pressure on bucks before the regular seasons begin, which is unfair to other hunters and inconsistent with the principle of equitable opportunity. Youth hunters already enjoy a unique advantage with an early season; keeping it doe-only ensures that advantage supports conservation rather than competition.
Finally, a doe-only youth season emphasizes mentorship, patience, and respect for wildlife—values that shape ethical hunters for life. Protecting the integrity of the youth season protects the future of hunting in West Virginia.
For these reasons, West Virginia should maintain the youth deer season as doe-only and not allow buck harvest.
- Standards and Expertise: Certified fire investigators must meet rigorous national standards (such as NFPA 1033) and maintain ongoing education to accurately determine fire origins and causes.
- Economic Fairness: Classifying these specialists as professionals ensures their services are treated equitably under the tax code, similar to other highly regulated fields like engineering or law.
- Public Safety: Professional recognition reinforces the importance of high-quality investigations, which are critical for both criminal justice and the improvement of fire safety codes.
Fayette County Sheriff's Department
“This is a clear violation of people’s first amendment rights to practice their religion by meeting people’s basic needs (for food, housing, or transportation), regardless of their immigration or citizenship status. HB 4433 would create significant exposure to criminal liability for not only individuals, but also businesses, charities, and religious organizations. HB 4433 if passed would face constitutional challenges in court.”
The slogan does not say “West Virginians are always free.” The term Mountaineer reflects a people shaped by labor, hardship, and resistance to exploitation. HB 4433 contradicts that legacy by codifying unequal treatment under the law and stripping legal remedies from individuals the statute itself defines as “victims.”
HB 4433 explicitly provides that “if the victim of the offense is an illegal alien then no order to pay restitution shall be made” (§61-14-7(d)(1)).
The West Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals has repeatedly held that equal protection under Article III, Section 17 prohibits the Legislature from arbitrarily denying legal protections or remedies to similarly situated individuals.
In State ex rel. Harris v. Calendine, the Court reaffirmed that classifications created by statute must bear a real and substantial relationship to a legitimate governmental purpose, not merely a political or punitive one. Denying restitution to trafficking victims based solely on immigration status fails this test: it does not advance public safety, deter crime, or protect victims. It does the opposite. Moreover, in Pittsburgh Elevator Co. v. W. Va. Bd. of Regents, the Court held that laws which impose unequal burdens without adequate justification violate the constitutional guarantee of equal protection, even when the Legislature claims broad discretion.
HB 4433 creates a two-tier victim system–recognizing victimization for prosecution purposes while denying restitution to certain victims–without a constitutionally sufficient justification.
Article III, Section 10 of the West Virginia Constitution guarantees that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.
The Supreme Court of Appeals has consistently recognized that statutory remedies are a component of due process, particularly where the state affirmatively recognizes harm. In Roberts v. Stevens Clinic Hospital, the Court held that the Legislature may not abolish or materially impair remedies in a manner that is arbitrary or fundamentally unfair.
HB 4433
• Acknowledges individuals as victims under §61-14-1(18);
• Uses their victimization to support criminal prosecutions;
• Then denies restitution as a punitive consequence of immigration status.
This is punishment without adjudication and deprivation without process.
HB 4433 recognizes deportation threats as a form of coercion (§61-14-1(2)(B)). Yet by denying restitution to undocumented victims, the bill institutionalizes the very coercive dynamic it purports to combat.
The Supreme Court of Appeals has emphasized in Appalachian Power Co. v. State Tax Dept. that statutes must be interpreted—and written—in a manner consistent with their stated purpose. A law that deters victims from seeking help and incentivizes traffickers to target undocumented individuals is internally contradictory and legally unsound.
HB 4433 declares that “any individual or entity that transports illegal aliens is engaged in human smuggling” (§61-14-7(b)).
The Court has warned against overbroad criminal statutes that chill lawful conduct and fail to provide clear notice of prohibited behavior. In State v. Flinn, the Court held that laws must be sufficiently definite so that ordinary people can understand what conduct is prohibited and so that enforcement is not arbitrary.
This language risks criminalizing
• Humanitarian aid,
• Mutual aid networks,
• Religious or nonprofit assistance,
• Good-faith support unrelated to exploitation.
Such chilling effects are incompatible with due process and fundamental fairness.
While HB 4433 increases penalties for forced labor, debt bondage, and sexual servitude (§§61-14-3 through 61-14-6), denying restitution ensures that undocumented victims remain economically trapped.
In Harrah v. Leverette, the Supreme Court emphasized that constitutional protections apply to persons, not classifications deemed politically convenient. A statute that recognizes harm but withholds remedy perpetuates injustice rather than preventing it.
To summarize the points, House Bill 4433 violates:
• Equal protection under Article III, Section 17;
• Due process under Article III, Section 10;
• Longstanding Supreme Court of Appeals precedent requiring fairness, proportionality, and rational legislative purpose.
It undermines anti-trafficking efforts, invites constitutional challenge, and erodes West Virginia’s moral and legal credibility.
If Mountaineers are always free, then freedom cannot be conditional, selective, or symbolic. For these reasons, I urge the Standing Committee on the Judiciary to reject HB 4433 in its current form. At minimum, all provisions denying restitution or remedies based on immigration status must be removed.
Freedom is not a slogan. It is a constitutional obligation that each of you have a moral and legal obligation to uphold for your constituents. Do the right thing. You're putting your name on it.
I wish to leave you with one final message. Since it's such a strong push to force this country's government's views of Jesus upon the population, I thought I could provide a short sermon. Admittedly, these weren't my words. But, you may find them profound nonetheless. Matthew 5:1-12 Now when Jesus saw the crowds, he went up on a mountainside and sat down. His disciples came to him, and he began to teach them. He said, “Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are those who mourn, for they will be comforted. Blessed are the meek, for they will inherit the earth. Blessed are those who hunger and thirst for righteousness, for they will be filled. Blessed are the merciful, for they will be shown mercy. "Blessed are the pure in heart, for they will see God. Blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be called children of God. Blessed are those who are persecuted because of righteousness, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven." My fellow West Virginians, this bill targets those poor in spirit, those mourning. The peacemakers and pure in heart begging you to choose something better. To choose to fulfill the Law Jesus summarized with "love". Love for each other. Love for us all. He was clear on where blessings will flow. And it's not with the oppressors. Fulfill the law with love. It was the greatest, most all-encompassing commandment. I believe in you.I respectfully oppose House Bill 4034, which would mandate that every classroom in West Virginia’s public elementary and secondary schools display a framed copy of the Ten Commandments.
This bill raises serious constitutional concerns. Public schools serve students of diverse faiths and belief systems — including Christian, Jewish, Muslim, Hindu, Indigenous spiritual traditions, and those with no religious affiliation at all. A requirement to post a specific religious text in every classroom crosses the line between supporting students’ civic education and endorsing a particular religion or religious interpretation, which the U.S. Constitution’s Establishment Clause prohibits in public institutions.
Mandating the Ten Commandments does not foster inclusive education. Instead, it elevates one religious tradition above others and risks making students who do not share that tradition feel excluded or unwelcome in their own schools. Public education should be a neutral space where all students feel equally respected and supported.
There are already appropriate venues for religious education: families, communities, and religious organizations can teach religious values in contexts where such instruction is voluntary and welcome. Public schools, funded by all taxpayers and responsible for the education of all children, should not be compelled to promote specific religious content.
Moreover, the state faces pressing and practical challenges in education — including teacher recruitment and retention, classroom resources, student mental health services, and academic achievement gaps — that are far more urgent than the placement of religious posters in classrooms. Lawmakers should focus their efforts on policies that support the academic success, wellbeing, and equal treatment of all West Virginia students.
For these reasons, I urge members of the West Virginia Legislature to reject HB 4034.
As a WV native and Tucker County resident, I urge you to give back local control in HB2014. We have a right to have a say in industries that are wanting to build in our towns and back yards.
Can we please stop with this nonsense. These vaccines keep everyone safe. Look at the current measles outbreaks around the country, why do you think that is happening? We have been leading the nation on thos for years, so let's not go backwards. Protect our kids by listening to actual experts.
- require or expand mandatory CWD testing,
- address known limitations of diagnostic reliability,
- establish public health standards for consumption,
- address environmental persistence of prions,
- or resolve jurisdictional gaps involving captive cervid operations regulated separately under W. Va. Code Chapter 19, Article 2H (Captive Cervid Farming Act).