Public Comments
I am in favor of HB4509. Efforts for economic growth must not undermine the communities that will shoulder the burden of large data centers. Local municipal authority is essential for transparency among citizens and surrounding industries.
- HB 4376 creates a narrow prohibition on familial appointments but does not address the acknowledged limits of ethics oversight.
- Negligence and corruption remain non-actionable unless tied to specific enumerated violations under §6B-2-5.
- The bill does not expand jurisdiction, enforcement tools, or accountability pathways.
- Without broader statutory reform, unethical conduct that does not fit a predefined category will continue to evade oversight.
Delegate Mallow,
Once again, the Legislature is being asked to spend its time and the public’s money advancing legislation that directly conflicts with the First Amendment of the United States Constitution.
HB 4034 requires public schools to display a specific religious text—the Ten Commandments—in every classroom, in a prescribed size, format, and wording. This is not student religious liberty. This is government-mandated religious expression in a compulsory public setting. The distinction matters, and it has been settled law for decades.
Courts have already ruled on this issue. Repeatedly. Mandating the display of the Ten Commandments in public school classrooms constitutes government endorsement of religion, regardless of whether the materials are privately donated or publicly funded. Reintroducing this bill does not make it more constitutional; it only makes it more predictable that taxpayers will be left footing the bill for inevitable litigation.
As someone who works daily in public education, I find it deeply frustrating that this proposal is introduced while our schools face real, urgent challenges:
• Students struggling with basic literacy and numeracy
• Staffing shortages and burnout
• Underfunded special education and mental health supports
• Attendance and behavioral crises that materially impact learning
Schools do not need symbolic wall displays. They need resources, support, and evidence-based policy.
This bill also creates practical problems for districts: it is an unfunded mandate, it places administrators and teachers in the middle of a culture war they did not ask for, and it exposes school systems to legal risk for no educational benefit whatsoever.
Public schools serve students of many faiths and no faith at all. The Constitution protects everyone’s right to believe, not the government’s right to instruct.
I urge you to reconsider the priorities reflected in HB 4034 and to respect the longstanding constitutional principle of separation of church and state. Our students deserve serious solutions to serious problems, not performative legislation that distracts from the real work of improving education in West Virginia.
Respectfully,
Mariah Richards
I am strongly opposed to HB-4414 because I own my home and have lived in it for almost 13 years. Unfortunately, I am less than 1,000 feet from a playground, so I will be forced to move and find a new home by January 1, 2027. I get along really well with all my neighbors and have not had any problems since I moved here. I am over 65 and on a fixed income, and where I live is close to my doctor and other places, such as a hospital and grocery stores. HB-4414 to me is a form of punishment in forcing me to either sell my house that is paid off, or keep it and incur the cost and upkeep. I will be forced to try to find a new place to live, which will not be easy due to the residency restrictions, and other reasons such as if I buy a new house, which I really cannot afford to do, will my new neighbors want me in their neighborhood? Or will they try to make living there so difficult for me that I have to move again? As far as renting an apartment goes, good luck finding a decent apartment or anything at all being an RSO, because landlords and property management companies will not rent you an apartment. And if you are lucky enough to find an apartment, it has to be in a non-restrictive area. What makes things even more difficult for me is that I also have a small dog and a cat that I have had for years. Will I have to get rid of them as well?
The residency restrictions to me appear to be a punitive measure that is only going to create more homeless registered sex offenders. Applying these restrictions to registered persons retroactively who have lived in the “restricted areas” for years with no problems before the law is passed can be seen as a form of punishment and unconstitutional as found in cases in other states. I was sentenced in Michigan and was deemed a tier 1 offender, which is the lowest risk level, and sentenced to 15 years on the registry. If West Virginia had a tier system like Michigan, I could have petitioned for removal 3 years ago and would be removed by completing my registration sentence in 2 years. West Virginia needs to adopt a 3-tier system and to give people who are tier 1 a way to get off of the registry after 10 years for good behavior. That is why I am in agreement with WVRSOL in their opposition, but conditional support to HB-4414.
- prior income tax cuts,
- declining or uncertain federal funding,
- and agency directives to cut budgets without replacement funds,
- A transparent fiscal impact statement,
- Identification of which services will be reduced or eliminated,
- Assurance that essential agencies will not absorb disproportionate harm.
- Require public disclosure of mine safety program standards, approval criteria, or compliance findings;
- Mandate independent or third-party review of safety programs;
- Provide clear worker participation or whistleblower protections in the approval process;
- Specify enforcement benchmarks, penalties, or corrective timelines for unsafe conditions.
- Undermines the medical cannabis program by creating parallel, less-regulated psychoactive markets;
- Shifts risk onto consumers without medical oversight or standardized dosing;
- Creates enforcement ambiguity between legal hemp, controlled substances, and medical cannabis;
- Disproportionately impacts public health while benefiting unregulated commercial actors.
- The First Amendment bars the government from endorsing religion in public schools. The U.S. Supreme Court struck down a nearly identical classroom mandate in Stone v. Graham (1980), holding that requiring the Ten Commandments in public school classrooms lacked a secular legislative purpose and violated the Establishment Clause.
- The Court has also held that Ten Commandments displays are unconstitutional when the government’s purpose and context show a religious objective, as in McCreary County v. ACLU (2005).
- Supporters sometimes cite Van Orden v. Perry (2005), but that case involved a long-standing outdoor monument on capitol grounds with a specific historical context—not a mandatory, universal classroom posting aimed at captive K-12 audiences.
- Louisiana: A federal appeals court blocked Louisiana’s Ten Commandments classroom-display law as “plainly unconstitutional,” relying in part on Stone v. Graham.
- Arkansas: A federal judge blocked enforcement of Arkansas’s law in several districts, finding it likely violates church-state separation principles.
- Texas: A federal judge temporarily blocked Texas’s classroom-display law, and additional related injunctions/orders have required districts to remove postings while litigation continues.
- HB 4034 requires universal classroom posting but does not create a clear statewide compliance/funding plan; it instead authorizes public spending to replace/buy displays.
- The mandate increases the risk of diverting time and money from instruction and student services into compliance and legal defense.
- prioritization of housing stabilization or displacement prevention for residents after floods,
- transparency showing how Trust Fund disbursements reduce resident-level harm, or
- accountability when funds primarily offset governmental costs rather than community recovery.
- Require reporting on resident-level outcomes, not just project or agency expenditures;
- Prioritize funding uses that directly address housing loss, displacement, and community recovery when FEMA Individual Assistance is unavailable; and
- Add transparency standards ensuring the Flood Resiliency Trust Fund does not function solely as a reimbursement mechanism for government operations while residents remain uncompensated.
Please SUPPORT HB 4547. Add it to Judiciary Committee agenda.
For decades, public policy has attempted to eliminate barriers and improve accessibility so persons with disabilities can more fully participate in civic life. Yet, W.Va. Code retains barriers to voting for persons with disabilities – including “illiteracy, blindness, disability, or advanced age”. Voters who request assistance in voting due to these disabilities risk having their requests challenged by election officials and having their ballots not being counted. We cannot know the size of this challenge/disqualification problem because there is no full accounting of how many ballots are challenged and rejected statewide. We also don’t know, but should be concerned, whether these provisions are applied inconsistently across counties. I have heard anecdotal evidence of this occurring. Another possibility is that disabled voters are thwarted from voting entirely; they just stay home, especially if their requests for assistance have ever been challenged previously. These rules likely originated in response to real or suspected voter fraud, but that is vanishingly rare in current elections. On the other hand, our population demographics suggest these provisions of election law may be particularly onerous for WV voters because of a state population characterized by: • low educational attainment, • poor health status, and • a disproportionate share of the population who are elderly.Unlike other personal choices (like what you eat or wear), vaccination status affects others. A child who is not vaccinated against measles can transmit the virus before even showing symptoms. Parents retain the freedom to not vaccinate, but that choice comes with the consequence of having to use alternative education, such as homeschooling or certain private options that don't receive state funding. Children with cancer or organ transplants cannot be vaccinated. Their "freedom" to participate in public life depends entirely on their peers' vaccination status. By allowing religious exemptions, the state is essentially choosing the "religious freedom" of one group over the "freedom to live/physical safety" of another. On top of that, outbreaks are expensive. Managing a single measles case can cost public health departments tens of thousands of dollars in contact tracing, quarantine enforcement, and medical care. Religious exemptions often lead to geographic clusters of unvaccinated individuals. When a disease enters such a cluster, it can spread rapidly, potentially jumping to the wider community.
I respectfully support the bill proposing antler restrictions on the second buck harvest in West Virginia, as it represents a science-based approach to improving herd quality, hunter opportunity, and long-term conservation.
Implementing antler restrictions on the second buck would allow more young bucks to reach maturity, improving age structure and overall herd health. States that have adopted similar measures have seen increased numbers of mature bucks, improved breeding dynamics, and greater hunter satisfaction without reducing participation.
This proposal strikes an important balance between opportunity and responsibility. Hunters would still be able to harvest a buck early in the season, while the antler restriction on the second buck encourages selectivity and stewardship. It rewards patience and ethical decision-making while preserving opportunity for youth and first-time hunters.
Additionally, this measure aligns with the interests of the majority of hunters who value seeing a healthier herd, more balanced sex ratios, and improved chances at mature deer over time. It also helps ensure that management decisions prioritize long-term sustainability rather than short-term harvest numbers.
Adopting antler restrictions for the second buck is a reasonable, forward-thinking step that supports wildlife conservation, hunting tradition, and the future of deer hunting in West Virginia. I urge you to support this bill.
Hello!
With the passage of this bill, where would the erosion of our civil liberties stop? What possible good does this database do for the people who are on it? At what point does it move from a voluntary action to a required one and are we going to be secure with the information these people are asked to provide? That doesnt even start to address the idea that these sponsors think its ok to ask another human being to put themselves onto a list to "help law enforcement". How dare you treat these people like this instead of addressing the root causes. Instead of wasting our time and tax payer money on a trash bill like this ,why cant we fund better services for people who need it throughout life and train our police to more quickly identify potential needs? I am not even onto the meat of the bill, I could sit here and write for HOURs on different sections. Yet again, another short term attempt for a broader issue our legislature is unwilling to address for ALL of us
West Virginia should keep the youth deer season doe-only and not allow buck harvest in order to protect herd quality, support long-term conservation goals, and preserve the original intent of the youth season.
The youth season was created to introduce young hunters to the sport in a low-pressure, educational environment while promoting responsible wildlife management. Allowing buck harvest during this season undermines that purpose by shifting the focus toward trophy opportunity rather than learning, ethics, and conservation.
From a biological standpoint, buck harvest—especially of young bucks—can negatively impact age structure and future breeding potential. West Virginia has worked for years to improve herd balance and buck age classes, and opening buck harvest during youth season risks reversing that progress. Doe-only harvest aligns with sound management by helping control population levels without compromising buck quality.
Additionally, allowing buck harvest during youth season creates increased pressure on bucks before the regular seasons begin, which is unfair to other hunters and inconsistent with the principle of equitable opportunity. Youth hunters already enjoy a unique advantage with an early season; keeping it doe-only ensures that advantage supports conservation rather than competition.
Finally, a doe-only youth season emphasizes mentorship, patience, and respect for wildlife—values that shape ethical hunters for life. Protecting the integrity of the youth season protects the future of hunting in West Virginia.
For these reasons, West Virginia should maintain the youth deer season as doe-only and not allow buck harvest.
- Standards and Expertise: Certified fire investigators must meet rigorous national standards (such as NFPA 1033) and maintain ongoing education to accurately determine fire origins and causes.
- Economic Fairness: Classifying these specialists as professionals ensures their services are treated equitably under the tax code, similar to other highly regulated fields like engineering or law.
- Public Safety: Professional recognition reinforces the importance of high-quality investigations, which are critical for both criminal justice and the improvement of fire safety codes.
Fayette County Sheriff's Department